Do Apostolic Churches Have Stronger Affiliation to ZANU-PF Than Other Religions?

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In their latest study entitled Religion and Politics in Zimbabwe, the Research and Advocacy Unit (RAU) revealed that members of the indigenous religious apostolic sect (Vapostori) are mostly affiliated to the ruling Zanu PF party.

Using data from Round 7 (2017) of the Afrobarometer, the independent think tank said the sect’s affinity to the revolutionary party and their voting patterns greatly influence the outcome of Zimbabwe’s elections.

“Whilst it is often argued that religions should stay clear of politics, it is also evident that many churches in Zimbabwe do at least vote, and many participate in politics. One religious group that is frequently accused of being politically partisan are the members of the various apostolic sects, who, according to the narrative, are supporters of ZANU-PF,”

RAU wrote on their official website.

RAU also described the Vapostori as having less political fear than most Zimbabweans.

“Members of the apostolic churches do have stronger support for Zanu PF than other churches and are a very distinct group from all other religions,”

party of the report reads.

The report further said the Vapostori were likely to vote Zanu PF than the opposition mainly due to their rural location.

“…the association between rural residence and affiliation to an Apostolic church remains, but rural residence affects all religions equally. It is rural residence itself that is key to determining whether citizens have greater social capital, less political fear, greater political trust, and being less reticent to disclose whether they have a political affiliation.

On these findings, ZANU-PF could have expected support from members of Apostolic churches in the 2018 elections, with the caveat that a significant number of Apostolic church members do not declare their affiliation, and may well have voted for opposition political parties.”

The Inter-Censal Demographic Survey (ICDS 2017) revealed that of the 84% Zimbabweans that are Christian, 34% were Apostolic, 20% Pentecostal, and 16% Protestant.

ICDS said of the remaining 30%, the Catholics made up 8%, followed by those in traditional religion 5%, while the remaining 17% were distributed through other small religions, with 10% stating no religious affiliation.

“Clearly, Apostolics are the largest religious group and, if partisan affiliated, can have a significant effect on the outcome of an election. When it comes to political participation such as voting, Apostolics are merely a sub-group of the general rural population, and it is this population that demonstrates affiliation for Zanu PF rather than the MDC. At least, this was so in February 2017, but it also seems fair to conclude that not all members of the Apostolic churches will support or vote for Zanu PF.”

RAU said 47% of the sampled population of Vapostori in their study were reticent about stating whether they were close to a political party, while 32% were similarly reticent about stating which political party they voted for.

“There is a common assumption that the apostolic churches, the Vapostori, represent a “captured” constituency for Zanu PF when it comes to elections. This is undoubtedly a story with some truth to it, but rarely examined in any analytical fashion. The assumption probably derives some support from the notion that the Apostolic churches take their support from a largely rural population as well as from the poorer sections of Zimbabwean society,”

the RAU report said.

“For example, on the ICDS data, it can be assumed that since there were 5 575 659 voters on the final biometric voters’ roll, this would mean that nearly two million (1 890 148) of these were ‘Apostolic’, and, if partisan to only one party, then it is a huge advantage for that party. If we take the lower, Afrobarometer, rate (12,2%); then the advantage is rather less, 680 230 ‘Apostolics’, but still a significant factor in a very close election.”

Zanu PF leaders have in the past trooped to Apostolic sects, seeking their support in polls.

In the run-up to the July 30, 2018, elections, two of the biggest consortiums for the apostolic sects, the Apostolic Christian Council of Zimbabwe (ACCZ) and Zimbabwe Amalgamated Council of Churches (ZACC), rallied their members to support President Emmerson Mnangagwa. They said the country would undergo a socio-economic transformation under his stewardship.

The two unions’ well-documented or rather suspected loyalty to the revolutionary party continues to bloom without any signs of sudden withering.

Recently in the middle of the national shutdown and civil protests over the 150% government-implemented fuel price hike, ACCZ president Archbishop Johannes Ndanga told Deputy Minister Energy Mutodi that the churches under their syndicate will not support any demonstrations.

In the same manner, ZACC Patron, Mr Jimayi Muduviri underscored the need for churches to support the President saying before the fuel increase, Zimbabwe had the cheapest fuel in the region and as result, it was used as a gaining ground by motorists on transit, hence causing shortages locally.

Read Research and Advocacy Unit’s full report here or access it below:

Religion and Politics in Zimbabwe

Resources: Research And Advocacy Unit/Newsday


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